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 The Role of the World Bank

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The Role of the World Bank - Globalisation and the Impact on Health - A Third World View - Issue Papers

Globalisation and the Impact on Health

A Third World View - The Role of the World Bank

 
This complete document inThis document in pdf formatpdf format 458 kb
 
Evelyne Hong

August 2000 
 

References
Conclusion
Socio Economic Causes of Ill Health
The Asian Financial Crisis
The US-UN Sanctions on Iraq
The Culture of Violence
The Globalisation of Culture
The Agreement on Agriculture (AOA)
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS)
The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPs)
The Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT)
The Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS)
The World Trade Organisation (WTO)
The Role of the World Bank
The Global Assault on Health
Impact of SAPs in the Third World
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)
The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform
Free Market Rules
Free Market Reform
Post-Colonial Development Strategy
Integration into the Market
The Colonial Enterprise
Introduction

 
 
 
The Role of the World Bank
 

Despite the growing criticism leveled against the Bank for its indifference to the precipitous decline in living standards and the social conflicts that have resulted from its structural adjustment programmes, it released Financing Health Services in Developing Countries: An Agenda for Reform. With this 1987 publication, the World Bank gave notice that it intended to play a prominent role in global health reform. The thrust of Agenda was clearly the role of health financing as a conditionality in SAPs. Hence the promotion of the role of the market to finance and deliver health care. In 1993, the World Bank’s World Development Report: Investing in Health outlined its agenda for health reform. This was a comprehensive policy document on market driven healthcare combining health sector financing and delivery.

The Report recognises that poverty is a threat to health but does not address the issue of economic inequality and poor health. It states that economic growth is a condition for good health, that is, economic growth will fuel good health and better population health will result in more secure economic growth, but does not tackle the health consequences of unbridled economic growth which has led to greater income disparities and wider health differentials in countries. In fact, under the guise of promoting cost-effective, decentralised and country appropriate health systems the Report’s key recommendations follow from the same line of thinking and solutions in SAPs that have worsened poverty and lowered levels of health (Werner & Sanders 1997:104-106).

In this Report, health is evaluated in terms of the Global Burden of Disease measured in Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALYs). DALYs incorporate questionable assumptions about the value of life. The Bank assigns different values to years of life lost at different ages. The value for each year of life lost rises from zero at birth to peak at 25 years and then declines with increasing age. Thus the very young, the elderly and disabled people are less likely to contribute to society in economic terms hence considered less valuable: so, fewer DALYs will be saved by health interventions which address their ills. Therefore public money and support should not be wasted on interventions for these social groups. Thus resources allocated to the health sector is determined by interventions which address conditions with high disease burdens (as measured in DALYs) and priority will be given to interventions which are cost effective.

Two minimum packages are proposed based on resource allocation and the leading role for the private sector in health care delivery. The first deals with clinical services and the second with public health. The policy recommendations of the Report are recommended as the basis for a new ‘health conditionality’. Thus guidelines are provided that SAPs will be implemented in ways that do not lead to the deterioration in health statistics for which the IFIs have been criticised in the past (The Lone Pine Statement 1994). The Bank’s three pronged approach for governments is to:

  • ‘Foster an enabling environment for households to improve health’. In effect this means that disadvantaged families are required to cover the costs of their own health. In other words fee for service and cost recovery through user financing (user fee) and putting the burden of health costs on the poor.

  • Improve government spending in health. This calls for trimming of government spending by reducing services from comprehensive coverage to a narrowly selective, cost-effective approach or a new brand of selective primary health care.

  • ‘Promote diversity and competition in health services’. This deals with the turning over to private doctors and businesses most of those government services that used to provide free or subsidised care to the poor. This implies privatisation of most medical and health services, thus pricing many medical interventions beyond the reach of those in greatest need (Khor 1994).
     

Privatisation and Profits
 
 

The Report affirms a wider role to the private sector and proposes a limited role for government in the financing and provision of health care. In fact, the State’s role is to facilitate and strengthen private initiative since government is depicted (in the Report) as inefficient if not corrupt, and health care is too expensive to be paid for from State coffers, the private sector is the competent authority to manage it for profits. Data for South America reveal that implementation of the WB proposal would release $38 billion for the private sector (Laurel & Arellano 1996: 14). Health care then becomes a commodity and the health sector becomes a place to accumulate wealth.
 
In many Third World countries, this process has been accelerating whereby the dismantling of the public health sector has spurred the corporatisation/privatisation of the health sector and the growth of private health insurance schemes. Privatisation in these countries is selective and confined to sectors, which are profitable. Thus the proposal to assign and essential health package to the public sector and reserve discretionary services for the private sector.
 
In Malaysia, where the public healthcare system is under threat, there has been an explosion of private healthcare services in the last two decades or more. In 1996 the Health Ministry privatised the five hospital support services at the University Hospital, namely cleaning, laundry, clinical wastes, maintenance of biomedical equipment and emergency power supply. Since then, costs have increased by 250 percent (Malaysian Medical Association: April 2000). Skimming was very much the order of the day. In one instance the Health Ministry awarded a RM100 million contract to a company which subsequently subcontracted it for RM 65 million to a second company. The first company earned RM35 million in profit for doing nothing. In another example, the Health Ministry tendered a separate contract to the same company mentioned above for RM60 million, which again subcontracted it to the same second company for RM 40 million. The second company in turn subcontracted it to a third company for RM20 million. Profits were made by all the companies through the subcontracting mechanism at the taxpayers expense (Ibid).
 
With the corporatisation of the University Hospital, the latter in March 2000, further increased charges by over 100 percent for many essential lifesaving procedures like the electrocardiogram (ECG) which saw a price hike from RM20 to RM40; exercise ECG from RM120 to RM240; angiogram from RM600 to RM1300; and emergency heart pacing which was free in the past, has been slapped with a fee of RM700 (Ibid). Patients who cannot afford these fees are refused these essential procedures and referred to the welfare section. Poor patients cannot afford these fees and many feel humiliated going through the process of being refused and told to depend on kith and kin to foot the bill. Increasingly, public health services are being subsidised to cater for the middle class and the rich (Ibid).
 
The World Bank Report’s proposal for increased health insurance coverage (for middle income countries) where consumers are given a choice between public and private insurance, in effect ensures the collection of funds (through compulsory savings) to the private sector. It provides a criterion (with the amount paid in premiums) which can be used to separate those who are profitable from those who are not. This will serve to redistribute funds from the public to the private sector. This means funds are not distributed according to need, as in the case of collective State funds but according to individual premiums, thus separating out the higher payers for the private sector. Complementing this is the growth of hospital corporations.
 
In South America, serious cutbacks in State health expenditure in the context of SAPs necessitates the use of private health funds, as public funds are insufficient to cover the cost of private services. Thus the growth of private insurance is crucial to the consolidation of a private health system provision and insurance, parallel to the State public system. Through this mechanism private health care gets access to a major portion of health resources covering the needs of a minority of the population, thus reducing the resources of the State system which is responsible for the majority. In Chile, the private system covers 20 percent of the population and concentrates over 40 percent of all resources used (Laurell & Arellano 1996:16).
 
Under this free market model, health is no longer considered an absolute human need: it is a private good, rather than an inalienable right. Health is subjected to the forces of the free market where free choice and competition is the golden rule. This means the dismantling of the state welfare system. The model acknowledges the laws of the market to determine whose health is profitable for investment and who should live or die. This approach can only lead to a growing health gap between private affluence for the rich minority and public scarcity for the majority. This exclusionary principle abolishes the concept of health for all (as enshrined in the Alma-Ata) and equity and social justice.
 
Because of its financial clout and political influence, the Bank Report has had an influential impact on Northern donors shaping their thinking about health. It is now subscribed to by aid agencies, other international organisations and Northern donors. Thus countries who are willing to implement these health policies can receive aid to finance the costs of these structural changes in the health sector.
 
Because of its financial leverage, the Bank can make Third World countries accept this blueprint for health as it has done with SAPs. In the words of a Bank economist ‘Policy lending is where the bank really has power - I mean brute force. When countries really have their backs against the wall, they can be pushed into reforming things at a broad policy level normally, in the context of projects, they can’t. The health sector can be caught up in this issue of conditionality’ (Kamran, A. 1999).

The World Bank has taken over the role of international health policy formulation leaving the WHO on the sidelines. The Bank Report dealt the final blow to the Alma Ata Declaration.
 

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