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 The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform

Last Update:  March 14, 2005 

 
 
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The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform Globalisation and the Impact on Health - A Third World View - Issue Papers

Globalisation and the Impact on Health

A Third World View - The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform

 
This complete document inThis document in pdf formatpdf format 458 kb

Evelyne Hong

August 2000 
 

References
Conclusion
Socio Economic Causes of Ill Health
The Asian Financial Crisis
The US-UN Sanctions on Iraq
The Culture of Violence
The Globalisation of Culture
The Agreement on Agriculture (AOA)
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS)
The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPs)
The Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT)
The Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS)
The World Trade Organisation (WTO)
The Role of the World Bank
The Global Assault on Health
Impact of SAPs in the Third World
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)
The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform
Free Market Rules
Free Market Reform
Post-Colonial Development Strategy
Integration into the Market
The Colonial Enterprise
Introduction

 
 
 
The Role of the World Bank in Global Economic Reform
 

The role of the World Bank was further enhanced with the debt crisis, which unraveled when Mexico declared in August 1982 that it was not able to service its crippling debt. This precipitated a financial crisis and jittery bankers were concerned that this could encourage the other debtor nations to default. The World Bank stepped into the breach and implemented Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs). Through this mechanism, the World Bank played a crucial role in rescuing the private banks by pressuring the Third World to continue debt servicing and thus saving the system (Mihevc 1995:65)

The debt crisis benefited the banks and private creditors of the North enormously. Debts to banks continue to be serviced although no new money has been lent out. Throughout the 1980s, debt service payments grew. Between 1982-89, the total amount paid to banks was $615 billion in interest and amortisation: at the same time, the amount owed to commercial banks soared from $493 billion in 1982 to $629 billion in 1989. New lending from the WB-IMF has been used to pay debt servicing to banks under the guise of structural adjustment lending. From 1983-89, $32.7 billion in loans from multilateral sources went to service commercial bank debt, representing 17 percent of total debt service over the period (Ibid:67).

By the mid 1980s, Third World nations had become net exporters of money (capital) in favour of the rich North. This meant that the flow of actual debt servicing was more than the new inflows of capital (i.e. in the form of loans, foreign investments and foreign aid) (Chossudovsky 1997:51).

In the case of Africa, debt soared from US$204 billion to $272 billion between 1986-90. In 1990, the continent owed 46 percent of their export earnings on debt servicing alone, while financial flows to Africa fell from US$13 billion in 1986 to $8.7 billion in 1989 (Mihevc 1995:129-30). Africa’s debt grew faster than that of any other region in the Third World. In 1970, it was US$6 billion, in 1993 it had grown to $300 billion. In 1997 the total Third World debt reached a staggering $2.2 trillion. Hardest hit have been the 41 heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC), 33 of them in Africa. Since 1980, the debt of HIPCs has more than tripled (UNDP 1999).

The debt burden has undermined growth, health and education. Debt service payments exceed annual expenditure on health and education in nine HIPCs, and they exceed health spending in 29, including 23 in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Tanzania’s debt service payments are nine times what it spends on primary health care and four times what it spends on primary education (Ibid).
 

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